September 11, 2011
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Bulletin
#129 (for New Mexicans): Rep. Heinrich asks Obama to increase warhead
spending, bypass pending cuts
Dear friends and
colleagues --
For the second time this year Rep. Martin
Heinrich has been a leader in requesting that nuclear weapons
programs join the DoD in special exemptions that protect Obama's
proposed increases in nuclear weapons spending from the delays and
cuts about to be imposed by the Congressional appropriations
process. (See "Lawmakers
ask Obama to shield nuke programs from funding cuts", in
today's edition of The Hill.) (Don't be confused: this
article errs, as do many concerning military appropriations, in
calling an actual increase a "cut" if that increase is not
as great as once proposed.)
The letter is quoted as
saying the special exception is needed to keep "on track the
tight schedule for infrastructure modernization and life extensions
of our current warhead types."
The "infrastructure
modernization" in question is primarily the Chemistry and
Metallurgy Research Replacement Nuclear Facility (CMRR-NF) and
related projects at Los Alamos National Laboratory (LANL) and the
Uranium Processing Facility (UPF) at the Y-12 facility in Tennessee,
which two facilities are expected to cost about $12 billion,
according to both appropriations committees. (Privately,
some government analysts are using much higher numbers.)
In
so doing, Heinrich is again leading the House Democrats in turning
the Energy and Water Appropriations bill against renewable energy,
home weatherization, levee repair, environmental cleanup at LANL and
elsewhere, and all its other non-military purposes. Given the
extremely high inefficiency of the nuclear weapons program as a job
creator, much less efficient even than broad tax cuts (a low bar
against which to compare), Heinrich is not just working against green
jobs, but against jobs altogether. (For a little discussion see
item 10 here.)
I have no idea what Heinrich thinks; perhaps he doesn't notice that
the federal budget, and this appropriations bill in particular, is a
zero-sum game. What's indisputable is the anti-environmental,
anti-employment effect of his action, should it be successful.
Heinrich's role in promoting nuclear weapons is among the
most prominent among all House Democrats, if not the most prominent.
Writing with Strategic Forces Chair
Michael Turner (R-OH), Heinrich wants the nuclear weapons program to
be provisionally funded at the requested, much-increased level for next year (fiscal year 2012) even though both the House and
Senate are now moving to appropriate a much lesser sum ($498 and $399
million, or 7% and 5%, less than requested, respectively).
These proposed appropriations are 3% and 4% more than is currently
appropriated, respectively. These relatively big increases in a
year when most other Energy and Water programs are likely to cut,
especially by the House.
While in theory Congress might
act later to lower nuclear weapons spending for the rest of the
fiscal year, if such a "temporary" exception is granted all
parties will be reluctant to do so once hiring and contracts are in
place. For example if Congress, halfway into the new fiscal
year, finally passed an appropriations bill that provided 6% less
than requested for the year as a whole -- as good a guess as
any at this point -- NNSA would have to lower its spending for
the second half of the year to 12% less than requested
in order to finish the year within budget. That would be a big,
hard cut. Then, very likely spending would have to be raised
again the following year, whiplashing everybody. So any
"temporary" big increases are very likely to become
permanent big increases, which is of course why the letter is being
written. To put it crudely, the import of the Turner/Heinrich's
letter is: forget the appropriations process, just give NNSA and its
labs the money they want. Let the nuclear weapons program
write its own ticket, because, like the military, it is special and above the vagaries of congressional deliberation. This is
very dangerous.
Said differently, Heinrich's letter
asking for far more appropriations than approved by the two
appropriations committees can be seen as a powerful "end run"
that would short-circuit the careful balancing which goes into the
appropriations process. This process is very far from perfect
but it does balance a variety of interests, and it is also the
primary way Congress has oversight of the nuclear weapons complex,
which is about
95% privatized, and dominated by just a very few huge contracts (pdf). In the case the three laboratories, these contracts,
extended as they routinely are, run into the tens of billions of
dollars.
New Mexico's two senators are also fully
supportive of privileging nuclear weapons at the expense of other
Energy and Water priorities, as prior bulletins have frequently
documented. I have no idea of what they are all thinking, but
if they were thinking much at all about the terrible tradeoffs
involved I would be surprised. Supporting any and all spending
at New Mexico's nuclear weapons laboratories has become reflexive for
the New Mexico delegation, who often seem more like employed
marketing consultants and lobbyists than elected representatives, as
far as the labs are concerned. Journalists have called our
senators "the senators from the labs."
If you
are interested, the previous letter (from Democrats only) that
(successfully) requested a special exemption for NNSA nuclear weapons
programs is excerpted below. It was addressed to Rep. Paul
Ryan, House Budget Committee Chairman, and was necessary because the
Republican-controlled House saw no need for such a special exemption
for nuclear weapons, as was explicitly made clear. The House
Armed Services Committee, with the crucial help of its Democrats and
especially Martin Heinrich, overcame that frugality.
Greg
Mello
Feb. 8, 2011
Dear Chairman Ryan:
We write to express our
concern regarding the potentially dire consequences that the Budget
Committee's planned budget allocation would have on the National
Nuclear Security Administration (NNSA), and to seek clarification of
what you are including in security spending. The Fiscal Year
2011 (FY11) budget allocations for non-security discretionary
spending that you intend to submit to the Congressional Record may
negatively affect our nation's nuclear deterrent and disrupting [sic]
nonproliferation programs that are vital to our national
security.
...
Despite these important national security
missions, the NNSA -- which is part of the Department of Energy --
may be reduced to FY08 funding levels or less for the remainder of
FY11, if it is currently considered "non-security spending."
[This was because NNSA administrators D'Agostino and Cook
required its contractors to spend money at the higher rate implied by
the proposed FY11 appropriation, which was never enacted. By
the time this letter was written (about half-way through the fiscal
year), reverting to the FY10 spending levels for the fiscal year as a
whole would have required lowering the rate of expenditure for the
remainder of the year to less than the FY10 rate -- i.e. to roughly
the FY08 rate mentioned. NNSA won it's high-stakes game of
budget "chicken" this year, with the critical help of these
key House Democrats.]
...
Similarly, maintaining a safe,
secure, and reliable nuclear deterrent is a national security
priority. The Secretary of Defense stated in April 2010, "The
United States must make much-needed investments to rebuild our aging
nuclear infrastructure, both facilities and personnel" and the
Administration committed $84 billion over the next decade to
modernize the nation's nuclear weapons complex and perform warhead
life extension programs. In support of these plans, the House
and Senate Armed Services Committees, authorized $7 billion in FY11
for NNSA Weapons Activities, a considerable increase in spending over
the FY08 level, and the Continuing Appropriations Act for FY11
allowed NNSA to spend at its proposed FY11 level."
..
We
believe NNSA's responsibilities are germane to our national
security. We therefore urge the Budget Committee to clarify and
include specific security exemptions for NNSA weapons activities,
nonproliferation programs, and naval reactors that are vital to our
national security.
[Signed by seven Democrats on the Strategic Forces
Subcommittee of the House Armed Services Committee, including Martin
Heinrich.]
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