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MY VIEW
On Trinity test anniversary, U.S. should rethink national priorities

By John C. Wester

July 20, 2024

My archdiocese, home to the Los Alamos National Laboratory, is the birthplace of the atomic bomb. Yet 79 years after Oppenheimer’s Trinity test, our state still hosts the nuclear weapons complex, while New Mexicans’ needs go unaddressed. This fiscal year, the Department of Energy is spending $7 billion in New Mexico on nuclear weapons. This is more than what the whole state spends on education, in which we rank dead last in the nation.

Some $2 billion of this nukes money is for producing brand new plutonium pits — bomb cores for nuclear warheads — to arm the Air Force’s controversial and exorbitant new Sentinel intercontinental ballistic missiles, or ICBMs. But many experts believe the program is a massive waste of taxpayers’ money and, in fact, makes Americans less safe. Congress should cancel Sentinel and instead compensate New Mexicans and thousands across the nation harmed by U.S. nuclear weapons production and testing and address urgent challenges like education, economic inequality, homelessness and addiction.

Countless New Mexicans — many of whom are my parishioners — have suffered from generations of cancers due to radioactive fallout from the Trinity test. One of my parishioners and a survivor of radiation-induced cancer, Tina Cordova, just last year experienced the tragedy of her 23-year-old niece being the fifth generation in her family to get cancer. “We don’t ask ourselves if we’re going to get cancer; we ask when,” says Tina. And her family is far from alone.

After over 200 above-ground U.S. nuclear tests, in 1990 Congress passed the Radiation Exposure Compensation Act to provide limited medical help for some communities harmed by the tests. Yet the first victims of nuclear testing, New Mexicans — along with many other Americans — have been arbitrarily excluded from RECA.

In a recent moral test, House Speaker Mike Johnson not only failed to expand RECA to include New Mexicans — a measure that earlier passed with overwhelming bipartisan support in the Senate — but he also allowed it to expire for those already covered. Thousands are now without critical support. It is unconscionable not to compensate Americans already harmed by their own government’s nuclear weapons when the U.S. plans to spend $1.5 trillion on a so-called “modernization” program to keep nuclear weapons forever.

While Speaker Johnson complains that RECA is too expensive, Congress keeps funding bloated nuclear weapons programs despite constant and outrageous cost overruns. A chief example is the Pentagon’s Sentinel program, which was originally estimated to cost around $62 billion. But that price tag has now skyrocketed 158% to $160 billion and is still climbing, all without producing a single missile. This has triggered a required review under the Nunn-McCurdy Act to determine whether the program should be terminated.

Similarly, in 2018 production of plutonium pit bomb cores, first destined for the Sentinel’s nuclear warheads, was estimated to cost $43 billion over 30 years. Since then, it has climbed 40% to more than $60 billion and the government still does not have credible cost estimates.

But even more importantly than the staggering costs, we need to ask whether these exorbitant programs are needed in the first place. In both cases, the answer is decidedly “no.”

Many leading nuclear experts — including former Secretary of Defense William Perry and former commander of U.S. nuclear forces, Gen. James Cartwright — have explained why land-based ICBMs are dangerous, unnecessary, and should be scrapped. They are a relic of the Cold War whose raison d’être has already vanished, carry high risks for accidentally starting a nuclear war, and are plainly wasteful and redundant when better alternatives exist.

Worse yet, ICBM proponents further describe the missiles — sitting in fixed silos across Colorado, Wyoming, Nebraska, Montana, and North Dakota — as a “sponge” that could “absorb” an enemy’s nuclear attack. But if such an attack ever took place, it would completely devastate those states, while lethal fallout could spread across the entire country, irradiating millions. It is horrifying and morally reprehensible to set up millions of people in the central U.S. as unwitting sacrifices in a nuclear war without their consent.

We also don’t need any new plutonium pits. Expert studies have found that plutonium pits have reliable lifespans of at least 85 years, while most existing pits in the U.S. stockpile are between 30 and 40 years old. There is no reason to waste billions making new pits when the ones we have will work for the foreseeable future.

In the name of Christ our savior, the Prince of Peace, in the name of whomever you direct your prayers to, and in the name of the common good, it’s time we put the brakes on the new nuclear arms race. This is a race to oblivion, an affront to God’s creation. It is arguably more dangerous than the Cold War arms race, because it now involves additional actors like China and North Korea, and new risks like cyber weapons and artificial intelligence make nukes even more destabilizing.

Former Defense Secretary Robert McNamara said we survived the Cuban missile crisis and avoided nuclear Armageddon only by luck. But luck is not a sustainable strategy. We should use the Nunn-McCurdy review of the Sentinel ICBM program to rethink the whole new nuclear arms race and consider what is truly in our national and divine interests.

Congress should stop wasting more money on Sentinel and its associated plutonium pit production. It should instead extend and expand RECA to provide a measure of justice to thousands of Americans harmed by their own government’s nuclear weapons.

The Most Rev. John C. Wester is the Archbishop of Santa Fe, whose archdiocese is home to the Los Alamos and Sandia national nuclear laboratories. He will be speaking in Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August to commemorate the 79th anniversary of the atomic bombings.


Published comments by Greg Mello

Thank you, Archbishop Wester. This is an important opinion, with implications you have not yet made clear.

You say, "We also don’t need any new plutonium pits....There is no reason to waste billions making new pits when the ones we have will work for the foreseeable future."

We at the Los Alamos Study Group applaud this sentiment, but you need to be more specific to really help lead on this issue. Are you opposing the pit factory at LANL, or not? It's in your back yard, here and now, and it's the only factory for pits for the Sentinel system you rightly (in our view) oppose.

What you say here about a lack of need for pits "for the foreseeable future" is not entirely true. Because of a) the long lead time necessary to build a lasting pit factory, and b) the perceived need to be sure of the lifetime of pits that are put into nuclear weapons, the perceived "need" for pits is in fact VERY foreseeable by the people who want to keep nuclear weapons, i.e. Congress, DoD, and NNSA (really, everybody in government).

What would have been more accurate to say would be that if the U.S. were to unilaterally dismantle its nuclear arsenal, or let it age out and not be replaced, there would be "no reason to waste billions making new pits."

Absent unilateral disarmament, if the U.S. is going to keep a nuclear arsenal, new pits will indeed be needed in the "foreseeable future."

Why? Existing pits are mostly 35-45 years old (not "30-40"). NNSA disputes the contention that all pits are known to last at least 85 years, but there are no plans to replace certain pits prior to that age, so let's use that "at least 85 years" and say that pits don't have to be replaced for another 40 years, i.e. until 2065.

What this means is this: if a new or refurbished warhead is placed in the stockpile in 2035, and a 30-year working life is required (as is usually the case), it could use existing pits under these assumptions. If only a 20-year working life were required, existing pits could be used in new or refurbished warheads up to 2045. Rebuilding nuclear weapons is hard and takes years. Churning the inventory quickly is impossible.

But long prior to producing these new pits -- at least 15 years earlier -- construction on a new factory must have been started to make those pits. In other words, construction on that factory would have to have started by 2020, or by 2030 at the latest. About now, in other words.

So yes, billions do have to be spent to build the factory needed for future pits, whether it is used or not, if nuclear weapons even might be retained.

So far we have described a logical policy. What NNSA is doing, however, is building TWO factories at TWICE THE PRICE, a "smaller," temporary one at Los Alamos and a larger permanent one at the Savannah River Site (SRS). The LANL project will cost about $22 billion (B) to complete through 2032, and at least $35 B through 2039. The SRS project will cost between $18 and $25 billion to build but would be much cheaper to operate.

It would be more factually correct to say "We don’t need any new plutonium pits SOON....There is no reason to waste billions making new pits AT LOS ALAMOS when the ones we have will work for MUCH LONGER THAN THE PIT FACTORY AT LOS ALAMOS IS EXPECTED TO LAST."

The cost figures you cite are solid, except for the 50-year life-cycle cost of pit production, which is too low by a factor of about two. The life-cycle cost of pit production at two sites is very roughly $115 billion, assuming LANL stops in 2039.

Only LANL will make pits for the Sentinel. Did your advisors mention that? These pits will cost our country about $100 million each, using NNSA's known costs only. They are only "needed" to put "extra" warheads on Sentinel. The U.S. already has enough warheads to equip Sentinel at the present level of one warhead per missile.

These are just some of the reasons we believe you should further sharpen your critique and make your opposition to the gigantic new nuclear weapons factory RIGHT HERE IN YOUR ARCHDIOCESE more explicit.


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